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National
Organic Standards:
Lessons from the US Experience
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Suzanne
Vaupel |
The
US experience in developing national organic standards
began almost 12 years ago and will continue into the
next millennium. It is still not clear how the standards
will turn out. This prolonged process has come at a
tremendous cost to the organic community in time and
resources. It also has delayed other important
initiatives, such as promoting organic foods to
consumers, assisting farmers in making the transition to
organic, and lobbying for favourable government policies
and increased research in organic farming methods. An
analysis of this long and unfinished process can offer
some valuable lessons for the organic community in other
countries regarding the problems encountered in
developing national standards.
Summary
of the Process
To understand the lessons from the US experience,
it is necessary to review the process over the last
decade and the reasons it has been so protracted. In the
1980s, organic standards in the US consisted of private
standards established by several certification
organisations and a few state statutes that regulated
organic agriculture to differing degrees. There were no
requirements for organic products to be certified.
In the late 1980s, as the popularity of organic
food was increasing, some members of the organic
community sought the national government’s involvement
in the organic food industry, primarily to achieve
minimum national standards that consumers could rely on.
The initial attempt was limited to writing a definition
of ’organic’ into national law, but the process grew
into the development and passage of the Organic Foods
Production Act of 1990 (OFPA). Once the process was
underway, many became involved to ensure the integrity
of the organic label.
At the time, legislation to establish national
standards appealed to many in the organic community for
several reasons. It would guarantee consumers that all
food labelled as organic met a minimum standard, and it
would facilitate interstate trade by removing the
spectre of 50 different state standards. Nevertheless,
other members of the organic community, particularly
small farmers, opposed government intervention and red
tape.
During the Congressional debate on organic
legislation from 1988 to 1990, the organic community
established a consensus on standards for crop production
and a broad outline for processing and livestock
standards, which were relatively new at the time. A
broad lobbying effort pushed for national legislation.
The organic community was represented by three main
groups: the Organic Farmers Association Council (OFAC),
representing farmers; the Organic Food Alliance (OFA),
representing processors and the trade; and the Organic
Foods Production Association of North American (OFPANA),
at the time a small organisation that was the
predecessor of the Organic Trade Association. (OFA later
merged with OFPANA, and OFAC no longer exists.) The
lobbying effort was supported by a coalition of 27
environmental and consumer organisations called the
Organic Working Group.
Most of the consensus standards developed by the
organic community were reflected in the final language
of OFPA. However, the organic community could not
influence all aspects of the bill, and controversy
remained over several issues, notably the relationship
between private certifiers and the United States
Department of Agriculture (USDA).
OFPA required the appointment of a National
Organic Standards Board (NOSB) to be composed of organic
farmers, handlers, retailers, certifiers, scientific
experts in environmental protection and related fields,
and representatives of public interest or consumer
groups. However, USDA did not appoint the NOSB until
January 1992, and not all the appointed members had
experience in the organic industry before being
appointed. Beginning in 1992, the NOSB held open
meetings to deliberate national standards. The public
was allowed to make formal statements and to participate
in the deliberations. Numerous people from the organic
community took part in the NOSB meetings, and the
Organic Trade Association took a lead role in presenting
the views of its members.
The NOSB submitted its initial recommendations
for organic standards to USDA in August 1994, and
submitted supplemental recommendations thereafter. The
NOSB recommendations remained in the “black box” of
government until USDA released its proposed regulations
for organic standards in December 1997. The proposed
standards surprised the organic community because they
no longer resembled the standards that were recommended
by the NOSB or the principles of organic production that
are accepted throughout the world.
USDA’s proposed organic regulations contained
numerous loopholes that would have allowed many
prohibited substances to be used in organic agriculture.
The most well known loopholes, known as the “Big
Three,” would have opened the possibility of allowing
genetic engineering, irradiation, and sewage sludge in
organic production.
The public overwhelmingly opposed the proposed
standards. During the public comment period, which is
required by US law, more than 280,000 comments were
submitted to USDA in opposition to the proposed
standards. Universal opposition caused USDA to withdraw
the proposed regulations in May 1998. The Department
promised to propose new standards by the end of the year
that would be acceptable to the organic community and
the public. By the fall of 1999, however, USDA had not
yet proposed new standards, and it was predicting that
proposed standards would not be released until spring of
2000.
Now, almost 10 years after OFPA was passed, there
still are no national organic standards in the US. The
organic community as well as the public and the press
are questioning what went wrong and what could have been
done differently. Looking back over the developments of
the past decade, we can begin to understand the problems
that have been encountered and how the process could
have been different. While some of the issues may be
specific to the US, others are universal, and analysis
of them can help the organic community in other
countries as they develop national standards.
Analysis
of the Process
To analyse the problems in the national
standards-setting process, we must focus on the “black
box” of government and how it resulted in such
consequential changes to the consensus recommendations
submitted by the NOSB. During the three years in which
the NOSB recommendations remained in this “black
box”, neither the public nor the organic community nor
the NOSB was informed of the changes that were being
considered and adopted. This closed process is contrary
to the transparency required by the international
community for standards-setting processes.
Procedurally, we know that the proposed
regulations were drafted by the staff of the USDA
National Organic Program (NOP) and then were submitted
to at least four levels of review: the USDA Office of
General Counsel; other agencies within USDA; other
government agencies, such as the Environmental
Protection Agency and the Food and Drug Administration;
and finally the Office of Management and Budget, which
is the policy arm of the President. It appears that
changes and revisions were required at every step of
this process.
Although we do not know exactly what occurred in
the “black box”, it is clear that several crucial
factors affected the handling of the organic standards.
First, the various arms of government that reviewed the
organic regulations and had final authority over them
had little or no knowledge of the principles and
practices of organic agriculture. They also did not
understand the private organic guarantee system, which
includes private certification and accreditation based
on international guidelines that have been adapted to
the organic industry.
Second, USDA had no experience with such a
comprehensive regulatory programme, which covered all
crops, livestock, and processing, and extended from the
field to the table. This wide-ranging programme did not
fit into the USDA structure, which is segmented into
specialised programmes.
Third, USDA and other officials imposed onto the
organic programme the policies and directives from the
administration that were being implemented throughout
the Department and other government agencies. The
resulting distortions of the NOSB recommendations
indicate the dual role played by USDA in responding to
the specific Congressional mandate on behalf of the
organic industry while maintaining its overarching
policies to promote agribusiness and industrialisation
of American agriculture.
Fourth, the influence of agribusiness and various
special interest groups was seen in the USDA’s
formulation of the organic standards. Whether these
groups met directly with government officials to discuss
organic regulations does not matter, since their views
are well-integrated into USDA policies. Alternative
interests more akin to organic agriculture, such as
sustainable agriculture and support for small farmers,
are also represented within USDA, but they do not have
as much support as policies promoting agribusiness.
Other
Models for Developing Organic Standards
Analysis of the “black box” process for
writing organic standards indicates some of the problems
that can be encountered with governmental control over
the final form of organic standards. Since passage of
OFPA in 1990, however, other models for adopting organic
standards have been developed.
One model is the development of voluntary
standards by private industry through national standards
organisations that are part of the International
Standards Organisation (ISO). The ISO also has developed
an extensive system of guidelines for the
standards-setting process and for certification and
accreditation programmes. This model is commonly used in
other industries for developing standards for the
manufacture of products and the provisions of services
as diverse as metric screw threads, underground storage
tanks, medical devices, and marine management. In the
US, the American National Standards Institute (ANSI) and
the American Society for Testing and Materials (ASTM)
are two standards organisations that participate in the
ISO system.
This model of using voluntary private standards
has the support of governments. The US Office of
Management and Budget (OMB) has directed US agencies to
use voluntary standards that have been developed by the
private sector instead of government standards if they
are not inconsistent with US law (OMB Circular A-119).
There are many examples of private standards that are
referenced into US regulations. The United Nations
Economic Commission for Europe also recommends that
governments reference in legislation the standards
developed by national, regional, or preferably
international standards bodies.
This ISO model was used for developing organic
standards in Canada under the Canadian General Standards
Board. Stakeholders participated in a consensus process
to write voluntary standards that were released in 1999.
The organic industry in Canada will use the standards
for several years to gain experience with them. If the
standards prove satisfactory, they will be referenced
into law and enforced by the federal government. Since
the reference and not the actual standards will be in
the law, the standards can be amended through the same
stakeholder process without the need to go back through
Parliament.
In the US, private organic standards have been
developed and adopted by the Organic Trade Association
after the failure of the USDA proposed standards. The
industry also is exploring with IFOAM the possibilities
for a system of private accreditation. However, USDA is
continuing to develop government standards, and it is
unclear what will happen to the private standards if
government standards are adopted.
Another model for adopting organic standards is a
completely private system in which there is no
government involvement. Under this system, the private
sector maintains all the functions of standards-writing,
certification, and accreditation. Examples include the
systems established by the Sustainable Forestry Council
and the Marine Stewardship Council. The public appears
to accept and support these private systems, but they
are still in the early stages of development and their
market success cannot yet be evaluated. The IFOAM
system, which includes the IFOAM Basic Standards,
Criteria for Organic Accreditation, and the IFOAM
Accreditation Programme, offers a basis for developing a
private guarantee system for organic agriculture in
countries that do not have national standards.
A third model, which is similar to the process in
the US, has been used successfully in some countries,
such as Denmark and Argentina. In these countries, the
standards were developed in co-operation with the
organic community through a transparent system that was
not submitted to a governmental “black box”. This
process also is underway in Chile.
Lessons
from the US Experience
In the US, the organic community has become quite
frustrated with the process for obtaining national
standards through USDA. This evolution in thinking was
illustrated ironically by two outpourings of public
sentiment. During the lobbying effort for national
legislation, the Organic Working Group gathered more
than 230,000 signatures calling for a national organic
bill. As already noted, after publication of its
proposed standards, USDA received more than 280,000
comments opposing the government standards.
With the experience gained through the various
other models, it is now clear that national organic
standards need not be written or controlled by
government agencies. (A separate issue not addressed in
this paper is the role of government in other aspects of
organic agriculture, including enforcement of standards,
promotion of organic food production and consumption,
and research in organic production methods and
marketing.) Several different models are possible for
the standards writing process. Regardless of the
framework, however, it is important that the process
allows the organic community, including consumers, to
participate in all aspects of the standards-writing
process and to maintain authority over the final
standards. One way these goals can be accomplished is
through a consensus process for writing private
standards that can then be referenced into regulations
or statute. A government process in which the organic
community keeps responsibility for the standards might
also be possible.
In order to maintain responsibility for organic
standards, the organic community must have authority at
each step of the standards-setting process, including
the following:
Selecting
its own representatives to the standards-writing process.
Appointment of representatives from the organic
community by a government official or other entity
denies the organic community the opportunity to select
its most qualified representatives.
Developing
consensus on the standards. With various models
available, it is less difficult to develop a national
consensus on organic standards. The IFOAM Basic
Standards are the most comprehensive international
organic standards, since they cover crops, livestock,
processing, and honey, and also include draft standards
on aquaculture and textiles. Another international
organic standard for crops is the Codex Alimentarius,
which is based on IFOAM Basic Standards, the EU Organic
Regulation and the US OFPA. With these general models
available, national and regional groups can focus on
developing any necessary local or regional deviations
and harmonising them with international standards.
National groups can also influence further
development of international organic standards by
participating in the standards-writing processes of
IFOAM and Codex.
Writing
the actual standards, not recommendations for standards.
As was seen in the US, recommendations for standards are
not necessarily followed. In order for the organic
community to be heard, it must be involved in writing
the actual standards.
Review of
the final standards. If the standards are reworded
or modified by a governmental or other entity, it is
important that the organic community has authority to
review the final standards.
Maintaining
final authority over content of the standards.
Without a requirement for agreement by the organic
community, standards can be adopted that are not in
harmony with the basic principles of organic agriculture
and with international organic standards.
Maintaining
authority to amend the standards. As the organic
industry continues to develop, it will be necessary to
modify the standards. For example, when the NOSB was
first considering livestock standards, only a minority
of organic farmers were in favour of prohibiting all use
of antibiotics. However, by the time the final
recommendations were made to USDA, most had found that
antibiotics were not necessary when livestock was fed
100% organic feed.
Conclusions
The organic community in the US has experienced
the difficulties of maintaining the integrity of the
organic system when it has lost control over writing the
organic standards. While it is still possible that USDA
could adopt acceptable organic standards and a rigorous
guarantee system, the price to the organic community
already has been extremely high in terms of time,
resources, and delay of other initiatives.
Other models that ensure more participation and
give more authority to the organic community can result
in a more effective set of standards and organic
guarantee system. Before seeking governmental
involvement in writing national organic standards,
alternative models for establishing a national organic
system should be explored and evaluated by the organic
community of the particular country. Under any of these
models, the national standards should be harmonised with
international organic standards.
Copyright
S.Vaupel, 1999.